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(Video) The implications of the failed presidential election for Iran’s regime

On Sep. 18, 2020, Iranian regime leader Ali Khamenei, in a meeting with the plainclothes agents under the title “representatives of student organizations,” said that the remedy for the regime to overcome its widespread crises was a “young and Hezbollahi government."

On Sep. 18, 2020, Iranian regime leader Ali Khamenei, in a meeting with the plainclothes agents under the title “representatives of student organizations,” said that the remedy for the regime to overcome its widespread crises was a “young and Hezbollahi government."

Resistance Units' direct observations for 16 hours in 31 provinces in Iran, including 248 cities and 60 villages, and the videos of all stations are available.

Ali Khamenei was very confident and dreamed of an “Islamic government,” “Islamic society,” and “Islamic civilization, which are euphemisms for a monolithic government and absolute oppression.”
— NCRI

PARIS, FRANCE, August 11, 2024 /EINPresswire.com/ -- In an article, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) Foreign Affairs Committee reported that to understand the scale of the Iranian regime’s defeat by the nationwide boycott of the Iranian people in the 2024 elections, we must look back at previous events.

On September 18, 2020, Iranian regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei, in a meeting with the plainclothes agents under the title “representatives of student organizations,” said that the remedy for the regime and the way to overcome its widespread crises was a “young and Hezbollahi government.

By “young” and “Hezbollahi,” he meant, as he had previously mentioned, employing criminals and executioners like the terror master Qassem Soleimani and Ebrahim Raisi in the executive power structure.

He thought that by elevating the most notorious executioner of the 1988 massacre, Ebrahim Raisi, and removing the useless and troublesome elements from his system, he could achieve, in his own words, a “young Hezbollah government,” which he saw as a solution to the regime’s problems.

In those days, he was very confident and dreamed of an “Islamic government,” “Islamic society,” and “Islamic civilization, which are euphemisms for a monolithic government and absolute oppression. However, it must be clarified that these dreams were not from a position of power; they were born out of fear of the rising widespread uprisings.

It didn’t take long for this bubble of long dreams to burst and wake Khamenei from his nap. Raisi’s demise popped into this bubble, and the strategy of unifying and purifying the regime evaporated overnight.

Just as Ruhollah Khomeini, in the eight-year war with Iraq, out of fear of falling in Tehran after the operation of the National Liberation Army of Iran in Mehran, accepted a forced ceasefire and drank the chalice of poison, Khamenei was also forced to drink the chalice of the poison of Raisi’s demise. The effects of this poison were evident in the 2024 elections in the form of splits and fractures.

What was heard in the 2024 elections was the voice of 88 percent of the people who boycotted the ballot boxes in the first round and 91 percent who refused to vote in the second round. This boycott imposed a new condition on the supreme leader.

This decisive and nationwide boycott is the product of a series of previous uprisings. It indicates an explosive atmosphere in a society that thinks of nothing but the overthrow of the regime.

It is the concentration of silent social protests that have manifested as an undeniable presence, to the point of terrifying Khamenei. He was forced to deceitfully say, “The notion that those who did not vote in the first round are against the regime is completely wrong. ”

Contrary to the beliefs of the supreme leader and regime officials, the vote of most of the Iranian people is a protest against the current situation and a desire to overthrow this regime. They are aware of the implications and significance of their decision. This is the most crucial factor in shaping the current situation.

This boycott was so serious, significant, undeniable, and consequential that it imposed a rift in Khamenei’s ranks right from the start. Considering the backlash of terrorist adventurism in the Middle East and other factors like the US elections, the regime will face tough times ahead.

Khamenei will try to strengthen the shadow government more than ever to counter the effects of the disastrous election. But the presence of a vigilant Resistance movement will thwart his plans.

In the new conditions, Khamenei must deal with foreign crises, domestic unrest, and widening rifts in his ranks, which will further weaken his strength and reign in the face of the uprising.

Nowadays the wave of executions coincides with Pezeshkian’s tenure, following his controversial victory in the July 2024 sham elections. Contrary to the regime’s portrayal of him as a moderate, Tehran has intensified crackdowns. The Iran Human Rights Monitor (Iran HRM) reported a staggering increase in executions, with 53 individuals executed in July alone, compared to 10 in June.

Iran HRM’s monthly report for July 2024 also reveals a grim picture: executions of women have surged fivefold, with five female prisoners executed last month. Among them, Mahmoudi Nia, forced into marriage, was executed for allegedly murdering her fiancé.

Other cases include three women executed for drug offenses in Birjand Prison and another in Khorramabad Central Prison. The report also highlights the secret nature of these executions, with 92% conducted without media coverage.

The regime’s brutality extends beyond executions. Recently, shocking videos emerged showing the morality police violently attacking two teenage girls for an alleged improper hijab. One victim, just 14 years old, still bears the physical scars of this assault.

This incident has sparked outrage and calls for international intervention. The Women’s Committee of the NCRI has urged the UN and human rights organizations to condemn these acts and hold the regime accountable.

Now all these realities show, Why Iran’s people are the ultimate winners of the mullahs’ disastrous election.

Iran, a country rich in culture, has been deprived of some basic human blessings such as joy and the enjoyment of life under the mullahs’ rule. Happiness and joy have been replaced, and even their civil rights have been taken away.

Iranian society has regressed to the point where no trace of civil rights is left. This deplorable situation is the result of the absolute dictatorship imposed on the people. The regime has replaced the people’s joy and happiness with death and humiliation.

A contemporary example of the happiness of the oppressed and proud people of Iran is their rejection and boycott of the regime’s sham presidential elections to compensate for the crushing defeats following the death of Ebrahim Raisi, “The Butcher of 1988.” For Khamenei, losing Raisi meant a bleak future for his regime and the collapse of projects aimed at consolidating and exporting terrorism and fundamentalism worldwide.

Bringing in second-rate and hardline figures in the sham presidential race was not only ignored by people who have witnessed these performances for decades but also indicated anger, separation, and struggle against the religious charlatans and plunderers.

The world saw that most Iranians, even according to the regime’s ridiculous falsification of statistics, despise the mullahs’ rule and want regime change.

Recently, severe economic and livelihood indicators once again warned all officials of the clerical regime that there is no more time or ground to continue the current crisis.

Runaway inflation, especially in foodstuffs, has reduced people’s nutrition to the lowest possible levels. Additionally, widespread unemployment, particularly among the educated segment of society, has reflected the severity of the crisis in the “misery index.” Ham-Mihan newspaper wrote on July 7: “Inflation and unemployment indices are not in a good state, and the misery index in the country is high.

The misery index is an economic indicator that is derived from the sum of the unemployment and inflation rates and is considered a measure of the overall economic health of a country.

The higher this number, the lower the people’s welfare and the more difficult their living conditions.”

The same report shows that despite all the assistance the appeasement policy of Western states has provided to the regime, the misery index has not fallen below 49.3 percent.

Economic expert Hamidreza Ghasemi said: “In recent years, the entire country has suffered from inflation, and unemployment has been high in many provinces.

Policies have not moved towards attracting investment, investor confidence has been very low, and in fact, we have managed the country with an average growth rate of zero over the past decade, which naturally deepens the recession, meaning the shutdown of businesses.”

A look at the protest gatherings of workers who have not received their wages for months or whose salaries do not cover living expenses and retirees who protest daily in various parts of Iran attests to the severe deterioration of people’s living conditions.

“Three days have passed since the second round of the 14th presidential elections, and during these three days, the gatherings of protesting workers in various cities of the country have continued, as in the previous weeks,” Ghasemi said.

Why such a low voter turnout in the elections

The massive boycott of the sham elections by the most deprived segments and classes of society has put the regime’s officials and propagandists in a frenzy. They are “investigating the reasons for the low turnout in the elections in the provinces of Sistan and Baluchestan, Kurdistan, Gilan, and Khuzestan.”

On July 9, the state-run Ham-Mihan newspaper reported: “The 14th presidential election has passed its first and second rounds with low voter turnout, marking a turning point in all elections held since the revolution.

People who showed their protest the general situation of the country; to the extent that the regime president Massoud Pezeshkian emphasized this low turnout several times and said, 60 percent of our people do not want us, and their voices must be heard.”

Such reports indicate “various social and economic issues and problems that have discouraged people from participating in elections and the same problems that have caused their political disengagement with the ballot boxes.” From “widespread unemployment in Kurdistan province to severe poverty and neglect of the Sunni population in Sistan and Baluchestan province” to “the destruction of natural resources in Gilan province, which directly affects people’s livelihoods, to cultural, social, and economic deprivations in Khuzestan province.”

The People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) Social Headquarters inside Iran, on Friday, July 5, 2024, during the second round of the regime’s presidential election, undertook to monitor 2,000 fixed polling stations in a sampling recommended by experts.

Direct and continuous observations by Resistance Units and PMOI sympathizers lasted for 16 hours in 31 provinces of the country, including 248 cities and 60 villages, and videos of all stations are available.

As in the first round, it was not possible to access and verify the 15,215 mobile stations that the regime’s Interior Ministry had announced, and everything was set up for large-scale fraud.

Especially since Ali Khamenei claimed early in the morning while voting that “people’s enthusiasm and interest is greater than before.” Other officials, figures, and operatives, imitating Khamenei, one after another, set the stage for an astronomical number of fabrications and fraud by implying the same atmosphere, which of course has been exposed to the public.

The total number of voters in the aforementioned 2,000 stations from 8 AM to midnight on Friday night, July 5, was slightly more than 188,480. Of course, after dark, the situation at the stations was uncontrollable, and the fraud apparatus was laid out.

Nevertheless, assuming the mobile stations are similar to the 2,000 monitored stations in 31 provinces, the number of voters in 58,640 fixed and mobile polling stations, over 16 hours, is about 5,530,000.

This figure includes invalid and blank votes, as well as the votes of those who were forced to vote for any reason; whether through threats or enticements, some of which have been reported to the Secretariat of the National Council of Resistance of Iran and reflected in its statements.

Thus, the maximum participation in the second round of the fraudulent election is about 9 percent of eligible voters, and 91 percent of Iranians boycotted the presidential election of the Velayat-e Faqih dictatorship. The regime’s Interior Ministry announced the total number of eligible voters on June 28, 2024, as 61,452,321.

According to Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, the President-elect of the Iranian Resistance for the transition period of sovereignty to the people of Iran, this great boycott is a widespread “no” to religious despotism and the decisive vote of the Iranian people for the overthrow of the mullahs’ regime and the establishment of a democratic republic.

PMOI Social Headquarters in Iran

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Shahin Gobadi
NCRI
+33 6 61 65 32 31
email us here

The world saw that most Iranians, even according to the regime’s ridiculous falsification of statistics, despise the mullahs’ rule and want regime change.

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