This Ramadan, a quiet gesture from the Narendra Modi government has stirred conversation—Eid kits for 32 lakh underprivileged Muslims, described as a goodwill initiative timed with the holy month. The offering appears festive, including familiar Eid ingredients such as dry fruits, semolina, vermicelli and sugar. The kits also include kurta-pyjamas for men and suit fabrics for women, all neatly packaged to reach Muslim households before Eid. At first glance, it appears to be a thoughtful cultural outreach by the Bharatiya Janata Party, an attempt to bring warmth and festivity into homes that might otherwise go without. But as with most things in Indian politics, the surface is rarely the whole story.
The move hasn’t gone unnoticed by political observers. Why this sudden and massive outreach to Muslims—by a party that has so far built much of its narrative on distancing itself from appeasement politics? This is the same BJP whose leaders have routinely criticised political opponents for attending Iftar parties, framing such gestures as opportunistic pandering. And yet, here we are, with the ruling party preparing curated Eid hampers not just for a symbolic few but for over 30 lakh Muslim households. For many, the question is not whether the gesture is kind—but why now, and why like this?
The BJP’s ‘Saugat-e-Modi’ kits have not only surprised political commentators but also drawn scathing remarks from the Opposition. For some, it’s a clear contradiction of the BJP’s usual stance on such gestures. But for political analysts watching the timing closely, the move seems less like a change of heart and more like a strategic calculation—with Bihar in mind.
BJP’s Muslim outreach
The upcoming Bihar assembly election has raised concerns within the BJP that rising Opposition momentum could impact not just the party, but also its key allies—Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United), Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), and Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular). In that light, the Eid outreach feels less like an act of cultural generosity and more like a political buffer—an attempt to soften the blow in a state where coalition math can shift quickly.
That analysis may hold some truth—but it also seems to overlook the broader outreach pattern the BJP has been steadily building, particularly toward poor Muslims, Pasmanda communities, and Muslim women. Over the past few years, the party has made targeted efforts to create an opening within sections of the Muslim electorate long seen as distant.
In the 2023 urban local body elections in Uttar Pradesh, the BJP went as far as fielding Pasmanda Muslim candidates—a move once considered politically unthinkable. Of the 395 Muslim candidates it fielded, 54 went on to win. These numbers may seem modest when seen in the larger national context, but they speak to a subtle shift in the party’s approach. One that goes beyond gift boxes and hints at a reimagining of BJP’s political strategy – at least on the surface.
BJP’s effort to engage with Pasmanda and poor Muslims isn’t new. In UP, Danish Ansari, a Pasmanda Muslim, was appointed as Minister of State for Minority Welfare, Muslim Waqf, and Haj in Yogi Adityanath’s second cabinet—which was seen by many as a symbolic but politically significant move. The party and its spokespersons often claim that it was the BJP that made APJ Abdul Kalam the President of India, citing it as proof of its inclusive credentials. Added to this are a number of welfare schemes that directly or indirectly benefit Muslims from economically weak backgrounds.
Moreover, the government not only requested and secured an increased Haj quota for Indian pilgrims, but also allowed Muslim women above 45 years of age to travel for Haj without a male guardian (mahram) for the first time. Taken together, these efforts seem to reflect a longer-term political experiment, to reach beyond the party’s traditional base and build selective bridges with segments of the Muslim community that have historically remained on the margins – socially, economically, and politically.
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BJP must go beyond Eid kits
Time and again, Prime Minister Modi has directly reached out to Muslims. Most recently, he attended the Sufi music festival Jahan-e-Khusrau in Delhi, where he spoke at length about the Sufi tradition as a force of unity in diversity—an acknowledgment of a spiritual and cultural heritage often overlooked in political discourse. In that context, it becomes harder to view Saugat-e-Modi solely through the lens of electoral gain.
One thing that does emerge clearly from such gestures—and from the party’s broader posture over time—is that the BJP wants to be seen as a party that’s willing to govern fairly, and is committed to addressing the problems of ordinary Muslims.
Welfare is extended, representation is offered, and cultural outreach is visible. But it also comes with an undercurrent of expectation. The Muslim who is embraced is often the one who fits a certain frame: the ‘good’ Muslim, the patriotic Muslim, and the inclusive and culturally assimilated Muslim. It is not always stated outright, but the lines are drawn subtly—between those who are welcomed into the fold and those whose views are not welcome or perceived as dangerous toward the nation. In that, the politics of inclusion still carries the weight of conditions.
Regardless, it is always a welcome sign when the top leadership of the country makes an effort to assimilate and accommodate minority communities—especially in times when polarisation has become so commonplace. When the Prime Minister speaks directly to Muslim audiences, attends cultural events, or launches welfare schemes, he sends an important signal of inclusivity. But, for this signal to truly resonate, it must go beyond welfare schemes and outreach programmes. It should affirm that Muslims, in all their diversity, are not just recipients of state generosity, but are equal stakeholders in the national story.
(Edited by Zoya Bhatti)