The Many Faces of Oceanic Islam

Dr Mahmood Kooria is an internationally acclaimed historian and researcher who recently won the Infosys award for social science research for his contributions to studies on Islam in the Indian Ocean region. In an interview with TOI, Dr Kooria, who is currently teaching at Edinburgh University, talks about the dynamic concept of Oceanic Islam, the historical cosmopolitanism of 16th-century Malabar, and the diversity of Islamic practices across the Indian Ocean region, among other things. Excerpts:

You’ve researched Muslim communities across the Indian Ocean region, from the Philippines to Mozambique. What do you mean by ‘Maritime Islam’?

I prefer the term ‘Oceanic Islam’ to ‘Maritime Islam’ as it captures the broader geography beyond the sea. Oceanic Islam explores the historical and cultural connections between Muslim communities in the Indian Ocean region. It encompasses the diverse experiences, traditions, and networks of Muslim communities in the region. This study highlights how the ocean shaped Islamic practices, cultures, and identities. It explores the role of merchants, travellers, and scholars in cultural exchange and how Islam adapted to diverse cultures. This study also delves into the complex identities that emerged from these interactions within the Islamic faith.

You’ve argued that 16th-century Malabar was more cosmopolitan. What contributed to this and how did it decline?

The cosmopolitanism of Malabar largely resulted from the brisk sea trade it maintained with nations across the globe. For example, the Portuguese official Duarte Barbosa described Kozhikode in the early 16th century as a vibrant, cosmopolitan port city teeming with people from Persia, Khurasan, Yemen, Egypt, China, etc. Two centuries before him, Ibn Battuta said, after Alexandria in Egypt, Kozhikode was the most impressive city in the world. That demographic diversity has become a thing of the past, as such extensive links no longer exist.

This cosmopolitanism wasn’t limited to trade alone. On an intellectual level, the tradition of knowledge exchange was very vibrant, with scholars from across the globe coming to Malabar to acquire knowledge, and native scholars traveling to different parts of the world in pursuit of knowledge. Ponnani was a major knowledge hub. While Arabic served as the lingua franca, languages like Arabic-Malayalam were developed to facilitate interaction between natives and people of various nationalities.

Arabi-Malayalam was used not only by Muslims but also by Kerala rulers and Christian missionaries, as seen in historical documents and religious texts. The ulama community thrived, with scholars recognized as mainstream intellectuals. The Portuguese intrusion and the subsequent changes in the sea trade, followed by British colonialism and oppressive measures after the 1921 rebellion, confined Muslim scholars to theological spheres.

You’ve observed various Muslim communities across the Indian Ocean region and argue that there is ‘no single Islam’ applicable to all Muslims. Please elaborate.

Muslim communities in the oceanic region largely follow the Shafi’i school of thought. However, Shafi’i Muslims in East Africa or Southeast Asia differ from their Middle Eastern counterparts. They have integrated countless traditions rooted in local history and culture while operating within the broad spectrum of Islam. For instance, in Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia, Muslim women attend mosques freely, citing Shafi’i tradition, while in Kerala, this is seen as un-Islamic by some sections.

In northern Mozambique, women attend mosques daily, except on Fridays, while in some parts of Indonesia, women attend only Friday congregations. Remarkably, all follow the Shafi’i school. I even visited a mosque in Mozambique run exclusively by women, where I was the first male visitor. These variations highlight the plurality within Islamic traditions.

Furthermore, my research challenges the perception of limited female mobility in the medieval world. For example, in the 12th century, a Spanish Muslim woman, born in China, travelled for her studies and career, visiting regions now part of China, Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Egypt.

But in Kerala, the participation of Muslim women in public life remains taboo. How do you see this contradiction?

For the last century, Muslims in Kerala have been compartmentalized by power groups, especially religious organizations, which control the personal choices and convictions of believers. My experience in the Indian Ocean region is different. Nahdlatul Ulama of Indonesia, arguably the world’s largest Muslim organization, allows believers to express Islam freely. Despite educational and social advancements, Kerala’s parochial approach to religion remains unchanged. Religious leaders struggle to respond to globalization’s challenges. Moreover, Indian social life is governed by masculine norms, and even the celebrated Kerala Renaissance failed to adequately address gender equality.

You’ve described Islam as a ‘historical process’. What do you mean by this, and how does this understanding challenge static interpretations of Islamic law and practice?

There is no monolithic version of Islam. Historically, there have been diverse interpretations of what Islam means to different people. Noted anthropologist Talal Asad described Islam as a discursive tradition. It means it is characterized by diversity and debate. Islamic discourse is shaped by the social, cultural, and political contexts in which Muslims live. I prefer to approach it as a negotiation between a person and his/her understanding of Islam—an ongoing, evolving process.

How did colonialism contribute to the crystallization of Islamic laws? How can we move towards a more contextualized understanding of Islamic law?

Colonialism played a major role in codifying Islamic laws, as colonial powers found them difficult to implement due to their inherent diversity. For administrative convenience, both the British and the Dutch codified Islamic law in the societies they colonized. In Indonesia, the Dutch introduced the Semarang Code, or Muharrar Code, in 1750. The British did the same in India by codifying Sharia as Muhammadan Law, limiting its interpretive scope. This restricted Sharia’s plurality, reducing the hundreds of legal schools that once existed among Muslims. Hindu law was also codified, damaging its flexibility.

How do you explain the existence of mutually contradicting matrilineal and patrilineal systems within the community?

This is one of my major research areas, as various Muslim communities from Mozambique and Comoros to Indonesia and Malaysia practise matrilineal systems. The belief that Kerala Muslims adopted this from the Nair community is incorrect; it likely emerged through oceanic interactions. The system is found among the Minangkabau in Indonesia, Negeri Sembilan in Malaysia, and communities in Sri Lanka, the Maldives, Mozambique, Tanzania, and the Comoros. Muslim jurists insist that the deceased person must have complete ownership of property for it to be shared among their descendants. In many matrilineal societies, there is no individual ownership of property, and therefore it cannot be divided in this way. They transfer property as a collective asset through generations. So, the Quranic injunction of inheritance cannot be directly applied in these contexts.

Do you think Islamic laws can coexist with secular laws and remain relevant in today’s globalized world?

The purpose of any law is to bring order to society, and the law itself is an evolving process. Islamic laws have evolved over the years, negotiating with various cultures and civilizations. Globalization is not new; it has become Western-oriented today, but people have been well-connected for centuries. Jurists interpret laws based on their time’s needs, and they must continue doing so. Without adapting to living societies, Islamic laws risk becoming obsolete.